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By Jiang Qing

As China keeps to remodel itself, many suppose that the state will finally flow past communism and undertake a Western-style democracy. yet may China enhance a special type of govt in line with its personal designated traditions? Jiang Qing--China's most unusual, provocative, and debatable Confucian political thinker--says sure. during this booklet, he units out a imaginative and prescient for a Confucian constitutional order that gives a compelling substitute to either the established order in China and to a Western-style liberal democracy. A Confucian Constitutional Order is the main special and systematic paintings on Confucian constitutionalism so far.

Jiang argues opposed to the democratic view that the consent of the folks is the most resource of political legitimacy. as a substitute, he provides a accomplished strategy to in achieving humane authority in accordance with 3 resources of political legitimacy, and he derives and defends a suggestion for a tricameral legislature that may top signify the Confucian political excellent. He additionally places ahead proposals for an establishment that might diminish the facility of parliamentarians and for a symbolic monarch who may embrace the ancient and transgenerational id of the kingdom. within the latter part of the publication, 4 top liberal and socialist chinese language critics--Joseph Chan, Chenyang Li, Wang Shaoguang, and Bai Tongdong--critically overview Jiang's theories and Jiang supplies designated responses to their perspectives.

A Confucian Constitutional Order offers a brand new normal for comparing political development in China and enriches the discussion of chances to be had to this swiftly evolving kingdom. This ebook will fascinate scholars and students of chinese language politics, and is key studying for someone desirous about China's political future.

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Additional info for A Confucian Constitutional Order: How China's Ancient Past Can Shape Its Political Future

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Partition would set a dangerous precedent that could destabilize the state system if a growing number of currently subordinated but potentially independent countries lined up to demand sovereign statehood. So there may always be somebody knocking on the door of state sovereignty, but there is a great reluctance to open the door and let them in. That would be disruptive of the present state system—especially now that there are no more significant colonies and the entire inhabited territory of the world is enclosed within one global state system.

Sub-Saharan Africa, for example, remained isolated from the expanding Western state system until the late nineteenth century, and it only became a regional state system after the middle of the twentieth century. Whether the end of modernity will also bring the end of the state system is an important question that must be left for later in this book. Of course, there is evidence of political systems that resembled sovereign states long before the modern age. They obviously had relations of some sort with each other.

These are the main reasons for having states. Many states, and certainly all developed countries, uphold these conditions and values at least to minimal standards and often at a higher level. Indeed, they have been so successful in so doing for the past several centuries that standards have steadily increased and are now higher than ever. These countries set the international standard for the entire world. But many states and most underdeveloped countries fail to meet even minimal standards, and as a consequence their presence in the contemporary state system raises serious questions, not only about those states, but also about the state system of which they are an important part.

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